Nuclear Weapons at a Crossroads: A Progressive Vision for Nevada's 2nd Congressional District
Where We Stand: March 3, 2026
On February 4, 2026, the New START treaty expired. For the first time since the 1970s, there are no limits on U.S. and Russian nuclear weapons. This ended over 50 years of arms control agreements between our nations.
The stakes are enormous. Of the world's 12,100 nuclear weapons, the U.S. and Russia control 87%—Russia has about 5,500 warheads and the U.S. has about 5,177. In September 2025, Putin proposed both countries voluntarily follow New START limits for one more year. As of March 2026, the U.S. has not agreed to this voluntary extension, and both sides are now unconstrained.
The Dangers Ahead
Update: The US and Israel-Led Attack on Iran
In recent weeks, the United States and Israel launched a coordinated military strike against Iranian nuclear and military facilities. This unprecedented escalation follows years of mounting tensions over Iran's nuclear ambitions and its regional posture. The attack has sent shockwaves across the international community, dramatically raising the risks of wider conflict in the Middle East. Iranian retaliation against US and allied interests is happening as I write, including in Europe.
Why This Matters So Profoundly
This attack marks a turning point for global nuclear stability. It further undermines international arms control norms at a moment when the New START treaty has expired and nuclear risks are rising worldwide. The strike on Iran not only threatens regional war, but it also sets a dangerous precedent for preemptive military action rather than diplomatic solutions. As Congress faces decisions about US nuclear posture and arms control, the lessons from this crisis are clear: unchecked escalation puts us all at risk, and only determined diplomacy and congressional oversight can prevent catastrophe.
Connecting to My Recommendations
This article’s recommendations—demanding immediate action on arms control, rebuilding verification systems, engaging multilaterally, and restoring Congress’s constitutional authority—are more urgent than ever. The US and Israel-led attack on Iran starkly illustrates the perils of militarized solutions and the necessity of the progressive path I lay out below. For details on the steps I propose, see the actionable platform in the next sections.
With New START expired, both nations are now positioned to quickly build more weapons. The U.S. could add 400 nuclear weapons within a few years. Russia could add over 1,100 warheads. Both countries could double their arsenals, increasing the risk of nuclear war by accident or misunderstanding.
U.S. missile defense plans worry Russia and China, pushing them to build even more weapons. This creates a dangerous arms race. China's nuclear stockpile has nearly tripled since 2020, from about 200 to over 600 warheads, and could reach 1,000 by 2030. If the U.S. and Russia compete, other nuclear powers will join in, making the world less safe.
Inspired by Diplomacy: The Legacy of Ambassador David Fischer
My commitment to nuclear arms control was profoundly shaped by the late Ambassador David J. Fischer, who served as my international relations professor at San Francisco State University. Ambassador Fischer was a specialist on arms control issues, serving as a member of the first and second Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) delegations, working in the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency and the State Department Bureau of Political-Military affairs charged with oversight for U.S. arms control talks with the then-Soviet Union.
Ambassador Fischer went into the first SALT negotiation with a sense that an agreement was possible, though the first year and a half was less a negotiation than an education process for the Soviets. In the end both sides came to understand that a nuclear war was unwinnable, that nuclear weapons made no sense in terms of war-fighting capability. This principle—that nuclear weapons serve no rational war-fighting purpose—remains as true today as it was during the Cold War.
Ambassador Fischer taught me that patient diplomacy, technical expertise, and unwavering commitment to mutual security can overcome even the deepest geopolitical divides. His legacy reminds us that arms control is not weakness—it is strategic wisdom.
My Progressive Platform: Constitutional Powers and Moral Responsibility
As your representative for Nevada's 2nd Congressional District, running as an Independent Democrat, I understand the constitutional powers vested in Congress regarding national security and foreign policy. Article I, Section 8 grants Congress the power to "provide for the common Defence," to declare war, and to appropriate funds for military purposes. These are not mere technicalities—they are sacred responsibilities to ensure that our nuclear arsenal serves our security without threatening our survival.
Immediate Actions I Will Champion:
1. Demand Treaty Extension and Negotiation
I will use every congressional tool available—hearings, resolutions, appropriations leverage—to push the administration to accept Russia's offer for a one-year voluntary extension of NEW START limits. Even if NEW START expires, steps can reduce risk and prevent a complete collapse of nuclear restraint, including sustained high-level engagement focused on risk reduction, confidence-building measures and strategic stability. One year gives us time to negotiate a more comprehensive successor agreement.
2. Restore Arms Control Infrastructure
Congress must appropriate funds to rebuild our arms control verification and diplomatic infrastructure. NEW START's verification regime provided both sides with insights into the other's nuclear forces and posture, and the loss of information-sharing measures opens the door for worst-case scenario planning and misunderstandings that fuel uncontrolled arms races. We need inspectors, translators, technical experts, and diplomats who can verify compliance and build trust.
3. Multilateral Engagement with China
The next generation of arms control must include China. China is not a party to NEW START and has never been party to an agreement to limit strategic nuclear arms. I will advocate for trilateral talks that bring China to the table, recognizing that 21st-century nuclear stability requires all major powers to participate in restraint.
4. Prioritize Non-Proliferation Commitments
The expiry of NEW START comes ahead of the 2026 Review Conference of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in spring, where nuclear-weapons states are expected to demonstrate progress on disarmament and arms control—the disappearance of the last U.S.-Russia treaty without replacement would signal that nuclear powers are abandoning restraint, potentially deepening divisions between nuclear and non-nuclear states and weakening the credibility of the NPT.
Why Nevada's 2nd Congressional District Matters
Our district has a unique stake in nuclear policy. Nevada has borne the burden of nuclear testing and weapons development for decades. We understand better than most the devastating power of these weapons and the moral imperative to control them. The communities of Washoe County, Carson City, and throughout our district deserve leadership that prioritizes their security through diplomatic strength, not unchecked escalation.
A Progressive Path Forward
My platform rejects the false choice between strength and restraint. True strength lies in:
Transparency over ambiguity: Verification regimes that let adversaries see we're not preparing for first strike
Diplomacy over dominance: Recognizing that mutual security serves American interests better than superiority
Investment over escalation: Redirecting resources from endless nuclear modernization to renewable energy, infrastructure, and education
Multilateralism over unilateralism: Building coalitions that make nuclear war unthinkable
Congress has the constitutional authority to shape nuclear policy through appropriations, oversight, and legislation. I will exercise that authority to:
Condition nuclear modernization funding on progress toward arms control agreements
Mandate regular congressional briefings on nuclear risk reduction efforts
Support legislation requiring congressional approval before any resumption of nuclear testing
Advocate for "no first use" policy declarations that reduce hair-trigger risks
The Moment Demands Leadership
Four decades after Reykjavik, the ultimate risks that brought Reagan and Gorbachev to the table haven't changed. The lessons of 1986 show that with the right setting and right leaders, a Reykjavik moment isn't a pipe dream.
Ambassador Fischer taught me that the most dangerous moment is when we accept the unacceptable as inevitable. The expiration of NEW START is not inevitable disaster—it is a choice. We can choose the path of restraint, verification, and mutual security. We can choose to honor the legacy of diplomats like Ambassador Fischer who understood that our greatest security comes not from the size of our arsenal, but from the wisdom of our restraint.
As your representative for Nevada's 2nd Congressional District, I will bring Ambassador Fischer's lessons to Congress: that nuclear weapons make no sense as war-fighting tools, that patient diplomacy can overcome deep divisions, and that our constitutional duty demands we pursue peace with the same vigor we prepare for war.
The stakes are existential. The time is now. And the power to act rests with Congress—and with you.
